Tuesday, October 29, 2019

Freud and Neuroses Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Freud and Neuroses - Essay Example According to psychodynamic theory, neurosis, are the manifestations of one's attempts to ignore unconscious conflicts (Ricker 2006). Prior to Freud doctors and analysts believed that neuroses - metal disorders like depression, excessive anxiety were due to heredity. However, detailed investigations led Freud to believe that it was the malfunction of sexual instincts of childhood or adulthood that was at the bottom of neuroses, "there are grounds for regarding the neurosis as an acquired one, careful enquiry directed to that end reveals that a set of noxae and influences from sexual life are the operative aetiological factors" (Standard Edition, 1905 3: 99). Though some causes like emotional imbalances, physical tiredness, and stressful mishaps, other acute illnesses were more prominent, they were only secondary reasons for neurosis. According to Fine (1962) "Freud's thought in the 1890's centers around one major clinical observation: Neurosis involves a defense against unbearable ide as." (p.12) Using the concept of inner conflict, which is central to all psychoanalysis, Freud observed two distinct processes, the dominant one that propelled towards immediate release, and the other secondary one that tried to keep things under check and control; these he later named as 'ego and id' (Fine, 1962:13). Freud states that, "The tension between the harsh super-ego and the ego that is subjected to it, is called by us the sense of guilt; it expresses itself as a need for punishment" (Civilization and Its Discontents, 1962: 70). Fine observes the accuracy of Freud's analyses as "the primary and secondary processes, the main trend and the compromise trend of the nervous system, the two biological rules of attention and defense, the indications of quality, reality, and thought, the state of the psycho-sexual group, the sexual determination of repression, and, finally, the factors determining consciousness as a perceptual function" (Fine, 1962:10). The essay titled "Sexual Aberrations" in the three essays that explicate Freud's The Theory of Sexuality (1905) states that "the tension" created by the conflict, was "to be relieved the libido needs an object" and the object may be anything, including "male and female genitals" (Fordham, 1992:11-12). The ego is introduced through the introduction of an inner conflict - which sets in motion the 'anxiety'. In neurotics however, when the vision of the object is lost, it is perceived as the loss of the object itself, the imaginary sense of loss is thus, slightly more exaggerated. Which loss becomes 'unbearable'; ego is able to keep alive this perceived loss in short, he explored the conflict as two sides with the defense idea on one side and the 'unbearable' idea on the other. And from his investigations he understood that the 'unbearable' idea mostly involved the past of the neurotic patient, rather than a happening of the present (Fine, 1962:10). Repression and Hysteria Fordham observes that, "Freud had extensive evidence from the psychoanalysis of the neuroses, especially hysteria and the obsessional neuroses, in which he discovered the so-called perversions that had become repressed." (1998:12). Furthermore, for Freud, the concept of "repression," was very important to his

Sunday, October 27, 2019

Can People Choose their Identity?

Can People Choose their Identity? Can People Choose their Identity? Discuss in Relation to the Media This question raises two issues that are currently at the forefront of political and social debate – namely those of publicly displaying a belonging to a particular culture or society, and the ideological notion of choice. In addressing the question of choosing our cultural identity we have to establish what we understand by the term ‘cultural identity’ and, secondly, if we (as individuals) are able to freely choose an identity. For the purpose of this discussion I will attempt to unpack what is meant by the catch-all term ‘cultural identity; and also if it is something that can be ascribed to a person or if, indeed, a cultural identity is indelibly inscribed. Of course the idea that an individual is born to a certain set of social and cultural values has not been taken seriously since the advent of cognitive and behavioural theories of human socialisation. In fact use to the term national identity had been appropriated to cover these reductive descriptions. The debate surrounding cultural identity is often conflated with that of the construction of national identity, and in some cases a cultural identity comes from an association with a specific national identity, for example Irishness with a rigid set of conventions that determine the individual as different from being English, or even British. The words culture and nation can have wide ranging definitions depending on the context in which they are used. They are complex terms in their own right, and Raymond Williams has written a definition of what culture is, he states ‘the complexity, †¦, is not finally in the word but in the problems which its variations of use significantly indicate’ (Williams 1976:92). In order to set the terms of reference for this discussion a cultural identity is more fluid than a national identity. Anderson has stated in his definition of a nation, ‘it [a nation] is an imagined political community – and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign’ (Anderson 1991:6). The nation state is imagined by its population as it is not possible for individuals to know all the members of that state, it therefore only exists as an imaginary construct within the individual. The human individual is a complex mixture of social and behavioural experiences and these factors are often obtained through socialisation within the family; social influences gained through friends and school; gender; and influence from various forms of mass media. First and foremost it is familial and social influences that determine our sense of identity. It is through the primary socialisation from our parents that a person develops a sense of the self and with it a consciousness of who and what they are. An individual begins to position her/himself in relation to other people who they know and have contact with. This environment is similar to that observed by Bourdieu who used the term ‘habitus’. He wrote ‘the habitus is both the generative principle of objectively classifiable judgements and the,system of classification†¦of these practices’ (Bourdieu 1984:170). This definition returns to the relationship between class and capital in the construction of a sense of the self, and the spaces occupied by that individual. The habitus can describe a place or space that a person feels comfortable inhabiting on a regular basis. For instance as a student I feel that my habitus is the university. This is a place where I feel that I belong to a wider community (of students) who have common interests and goals in their lives. The habitus may also be a location in which social conformity is necessary in order to be a part of that community. I am thinking here of dressing and talking in a certain way, acting or behaving. The habitus applies equally to gang culture. These are sub-cultures that have their own hierarchies and rules that must be followed in order for a member to remain a part of it. The fact that many of these rules are dysfunctional, for example initiation into that gang through violent or anti-social behaviour, is irrelevant. Bike gangs such as Hells Angels display these rigid rules whereby the identity of a member is determined by the wearing of group’s name along with the Hells Angels logo. Such has been the spread of this culture it is globally recognised as indicative of a particular cultural identity enjoyed by its members. This type of culture is typified by an association with certain objects, and in the case of Hells Angels motorcycles are the outward unifying signifiers. Members of this sub-culture have chosen this as their cultural identity – their machines, clothes, tattoos define who they are. And as with many sub-cultures membership is an act of public opposi tion to the dominant culture from which they emerged. Gang culture provides us with some easy to spot visual indicators of belonging to a particular culture. Other forms of cultural identity can be harder to unravel without providing a reductive account of that culture, for instance one based on race or religion. The most important factor that affects cultural identity is the mass media (film and television). The visual media have become an intrinsic part of the way we live our lives – mainly through the consumption of goods and services. Tomlinson (1989) has referred to a diachronic and synchronic way in which culture has developed over time. The former refers to a linear, historical form of evolution whereby one thing follows another. However in the contemporary image saturated world synchronic cultural development has taken place. Images are used in order to make meaning. One image relates to another but not necessarily in a linear and consequential manner. Styles can then be forged that are based on samples from other styles, resulting in meaning being derived from pure simulacra (Baudrillard 1982). This notion of the image breaks the linkage between sign and signifier and consequently changes the way in which we make meaning from images. The argument states that in a world dominated by signifiers (images) the concept of truth becomes meaningless as there is no such thing as a single truth or reality, a person can take what they want from images and that becomes a truth personal to the individual. In this way rap culture has taken this direction. It has taken other forms of representation in popular culture (such as soul music, rapping, reggae/dance hall) and produced something that has been socially radical for African Americans but has now become a global cultural identity for many people; an identity disseminated through television and film. In some ways the music has been appropriated by social groups to provide a cement for their identity. This has been evidenced by the use of jewellery, clothing, and speech. However although this is more of a general presence in social settings it is not true to say that rap is a cultural identity – it forms a part in the construction of a cultural identity, an identity that is also in opposition to mainstream white, male dominated culture. But can a white, Anglo-Saxon person be a part of this identity? Performers have tried, for example Vanilla Ice and Eminem, but they are active in the production and consumption of a good to be bought and sold. It is not the culture of rap, but the image (or rather the sound) that is being sold. The distinction between a cultural identity and a marketable product becomes strained at this point. The role of television and film in promoting products (music, clothes, cosmetics) and something that has a cultural resonance to an audience reduces an identity to a mere commodity. Gender roles are also affected by the adoption of certain forms of cultural identity. The rap/hip-hop culture has been criticised for the way in which women are portrayed. In quite vulgar ways women are portrayed as chattels and appendages to be worn like jewellery. This can be seen in music videos, lyrics in songs, and the language used by people who adopt this kind of life-style. But this is not only about representation, this kind of behaviour from women, as sex objects, is expected and it is a role that some women are expected to play out. So if females are to be a part of this identity they have to conform to a set of conventions that are regressive in their treatment as individuals and further compounds their status as secondary to men. In areas where particular cultural activities are dominant, then there is not necessarily the option of choice. If one lives in that community then one must behave in the way expected or be shunned by your contemporaries. The mass media are implicit in a process of ‘cultural imperialism’ (Tomlinson 1989) and promoting forms of street culture is a further extension of this process. Tomlinson put forward the argument that the global proliferation of television through satellite broadcasting and the selling of programme output at below cost has resulted in a homogenisation of culture throughout the world. Television can be accessed anywhere in the world and the social and moral values contained within this programming are spread to areas of the world where it previously did not have any influence. Not only does cultural imperialism pose a threat to indigenous cultures but selling programming cheaply makes it difficult for national broadcasters to make their own material, produced and performed by local people. The idea, then, of choosing your cultural identity is obscured by the influence of international mass media through the promotion of music, clothes, video games, and popular cultural f orms like film. Sport is one example of how cultural identity can be promoted and displayed in public, but it too raises some anomalies. During the recent cricket matches between England and Pakistan a reporter from BBC Radio 4 interviewed a group of British Asians and asked them who they were supporting. All of them supported Pakistan in the cricket, but then qualified it by saying they would support the England football team. Maybe this kind of poll shows more of people wishing to support favourites than any kind of partisan interest. However it does reveal that children of people from other countries who were born and educated in their adopted country show some ambivalence towards so called cultural identity. This identity can then be forged through the influence of mass media. In the time since Tomlinson wrote about cultural imperialism the volume and choice of television output has risen. There are many more niche channels catering for specific interests; international channels can be received such as those on the Asian Star satellite network. Access to this variety of material gives opportunity to sample images from different parts of the world, and children who have never left their adopted country experience sights and language vicariously and not just from their parents. In a sense there is some element of choice in selecting a cultural identity, but that is also contingent upon one’s own social and ethnic origins. However the definitions of the terms culture and nation dictate the complexity of the subsequent debate. The sociological study performed by Bourdieu (1984) comes closest within the limitations of this discussion. Cultural identity can also be seen as a particular life-style, one that is fuelled by the influences of the mass media, but also one that is influenced by social class, ethnicity, and the interests of capital. Indeed there are elements of choice to be made within particular life-styles but cultural identity cannot be selected and commodified as if it exists in a catalogue. Bibliography Adorno, Theodor.W (1972), The Culture Industry: Enlightenment As Mass Deception, in The Dialectic of Enlightenment (U.K: Herder and Herder). Anderson, Benedict (1991) Imagined Communities (London: Verso) Baudrillard, Jean (1983), Simulations, translated by Paul Foss, Paul Patton and Philip Beitchman (New York: Semiotext (e)). Bourdieu, Pierre (1984) Distinction – social critique of the judgement of taste (London: Routledge) Tomlinson, John (1991) Cultural Imperialism (London: Pinter) Williams, Raymond (1976) Keywords (London: Fontana Press) American Civil War: Effects Of Industrialization American Civil War: Effects Of Industrialization The American Civil War is widely regarded as the first great war of the industrial age. The impact of industrialization is most obviously seen in the introduction of new types of weapons, particularly at sea: the first battle between ironclads; the first ship sunk by a submarine; the use of mines (then called torpedoes). Except for the ironclads, however, these maritime innovations were too primitive or experimental to have much impact on the outcome. The impact of industrialization upon the Civil War, it has been argued, was far more crucial on the logistic and strategic levels than in weapons deployed on the field of battle. Put in brief, the Civil War has been widely understood as a war between an industrial powerthe Northand a largely pre-industrial society, that of the South. The contrast in their industrial capabilities showed most directly in the scale and conditions of their respective railroad networks. We are interested in two aspects of this familiar analysis. First, was it true? Second, and more subtly, to what degree were contemporaries aware of it? To the first point we must return at the end of this essay; we will only pause here to note that the Unions industrial superiority has become, along with the Confederacys structural internal weaknesses, the standard explanation for the outcome of the war. The second question is an interesting and important one in its own right; moreover, it bears upon the first. We have become accustomed to what may broadly be called an economic interpretation of war, and it is a modern commonplace that an industrial power has an overwhelming military advantage over a nonindustrial society. The more industrialized power can call upon both superior technology (e.g., advanced jet fighters) and upon a much greater and more reliable supply of materiel of all sorts. However, in the mid-nineteenth century, industrialization and modern technology were too new to have yet made a deep psychological impact. The British army, for example, issued until 1840 a little-modified version of the Brown Bess musket that had first been introduced before 1700. Until about the same time, Britannia ruled the waves with ships that were essentially only refined versions of those that defeated the Spanish Armada in 1588. Long before the industrial revolution, Western armies were routinely defeating non-Western opponents; the did so not through superior weapons or resources, but by an exceptionally formidible military tradition, ultimately perhaps the heritage of Rome. The Civil War, however, pitted two sides that shared the Western military heritage, but differed greatly in their industrial capacity. Robert E. Lee was most certainly not outclassed by any Union general in his understanding of the principles of modern (by 1860 standards) warfare. The generals of the two sides had learned their trade side by side, at West Point, in Indian wars, and in the Mexican War. In their understanding of the battle field arts there was no significant difference between the two sidessave, perhaps, that Southern generals were on the whole better at it. In Lee, the Confederacy had from the outset a field commander and strategist of the first class; Lincolns struggle to find an adequate field commander is famous. The South was, moreover, the most martial part of the United States (itself a cause of its advantage in generals). In fighting qualities, Confederate soldiers of every rank were certainly the equal of their Union counterparts, yet in the end the South lost. We argue that it lost largely because of the Unions industrial superiority, but to what degree was anyone, on either side, aware of this fact? Moreover, if the leaders (and people) of one or the other, or both, of the warring sides were not fully aware of these factors, to what degree could they make use of them? Let us begin the industrial comparison with the industry and technology that had the most direct impact, not on the battlefield but behind it. The North had a very much more extensive rail network, with not quite two and a half times as much rail mileage as the South. The Union could employ this network to move troops and materials to where they were needed; moreover, it had the basic industrial capacity to sustain and enlarge its rail network under the stress of war. In contrast, the railroad network of the South, limited to begin with, could not sustain itself in the face of either destruction at the hands of Union raiders, ormore important in the long runthe daily wear and tear of wartime operation. By the later years of the war, the Souths railroads were essentially useless, while the North was able to extend its railheads at need to meet the requirements of its forces. Even before the Souths railroads were worn down, this difference of degree was sufficient to be also a difference of kind; the Norths rail system was a true network, offering multiple routes between any given destinations. This both increased effective capacity, since troops and supplies could be sent along two or more routes, but also allowed the system to function even if a particular link were cut, by accident, a Confederate raid, or even a major Confederate advance. In contrast, the Souths railroads were more isolated; if a line was lost, there often was no other that could be used. Now, the Civil War was not the only major war of its era in which industrial powers were ranged on one or both sides. The decade and a half bracketing the Civil War saw a series of European wars, from the Crimean War to the Franco-Prussian War of 1870. Although the first of these saw the introduction of ironclads for shore bombardment, it was essentially a pre-industrial war. By contrast, the War of 1870 was thoroughly industrial: both sides deployed new types of long-range battlefield weapons, while the Prussians won their decisive victory largely through their use of their railroads for mobilization and troop deployment. This use of railroads was an innovation by the Prussian General Staff, and was far more systematic than any use of railroads during the Civil War. Moreover, there is no reason to think that the Prussian planners were inspired by the Civil War railroad experience, or even that they were particularly aware of it. European military thinkers, indeed, tended in general to ignore the Civil War. It has been suggested that they did so to their great cost; the Civil War foreshadowed the First World War in that it showed what might happen in the industrial age if neither side in a war succeeded in delivering a swift knockout blow Therein lay the difference between the experience of railroads in warfare during the Civil War and during the War of 1870. No one on either side in the Civil War had neatly drawn-up timetables of the Prussian sort; in the nature of the case they could not. The use of railroads in the Civil War was discovered by improvization and experience. As we will see, the readiness to improvise and learn from experience was perhaps the subtlest, but mist profound, advantage that the Unions commanders had over their Confederate counterparts. The duration of the Civil War also expanded the strategic scope of railroads. In the War of 1870, the Prussian railroads had essentially done their work by the time the major military encounters began. In the Civil War, generals on both side found occasion to employ railroads in strategic movement. Here the advantage lay with the Confederacy, simply because it operated along interior lines; as early as the Shiloh campaign of 1862, they were able to move forces over hundreds of miles in order to concentrate them against Grant. Returning for now to the purely material aspect of industrialization, behind railroads lay a difference in overall industrial capacity. This industrial capacity not only underlay the sustenance of the rail network itself, but determined the degree to which supplies of all sorts, from artillery pieces to provisions to boots, could be provided. Items that sound trivial to the modern civilian were crucial to the soldier in the field; in one letter, a Confederate army nurse begs desperately for shoes, and her brothers in the ranks must have felt the lack even more urgently. At the most fundamental level of all, industrial capacity determined the degree to which manpower could be released for military service. At the beginning of the Civil War, the North was already a relatively urban society, in which a minority of the population (primarily the farmers of the West) were able to provide the necessities of life to the rest. A great deal of manpower could therefore be mobilized, year-round, without cutting critically into the Norths ability to survive. In contrast, the South was an agrarian society. It is true that much of the Souths prewar agriculture was cash-cropping, not subsistance, but this did not alter the fundamental issue. Once the Souths cash-crop market was denied it, it was thrown back upon its own resources to feed itself, and a substantial fraction of the healthy male population was required, at least at some times of the year, to be available to work the land. Desertions, particularly around harvest and planting times, were a perennial problem for the South. Above all, the industrial capacity of the North allowed the Union to put a much larger army in the field, ultimately tw ice the size of the Confederate army, approximately 600,000 as against 300,000. Finally, in speaking of the Souths wartime economic crisis, we are brought around in a sense to our starting pointthe maritime dimension of the war. The wars naval innovations were, in and of themselves, inconsequential. Had neither side had ironclads, or had there been no experiments with mines, torpedoes, or submarines, the outcome would not have been significantly different. The one exception is only partial, because it applies to a technology that was no longer innovative by 1861: steam propulsion. On the open sea, even steam changed nothing fundamentally; the Union could have blockade the South as well with sailing frigates as it did with steamers; the British had done so quite effectively during the War of 1812. On the Mississippi and other rivers, however, the situation was different. Sailing ships cannot operate effectively in the confined and shallow waters of a river, while oared galley gunboats are limited in size, and therefore the number and power of guns they can carry. They are in any case very costly in manpower, and cannot row upstream save on a very slow-flowing river. The Unions river operations, which eventually succeeded in cutting the Confederacy in two, were therefore distinctly a feature of the steam age. Moreover, on the rivers, as everywhere else, the Norths industrial might showed to effect. The South might have lacked a significant oceangoing merchant marine or blue-water shipbuilding capacity, but river steamers had long been a major feature of Southern life. Here, if anywhere, the South might have been able to compete on equal terms. But the North had the capacity to build and man large numbers of armed river steamers, including ironclads and tinclads. In the event, the South lost control of the Mississippi well before its armies on either bank were defeated, but once it lost the river, those armies were cut off and could no longer support one another. But we must now return to seapower, as opposed to river power, and thus to perhaps the most fundamental of all the consequences of the Norths industrial superiority. The industrial North had the shipbuilding capacity (and, perhaps equally important, the maritime community) to establish and maintain dominance at sea. The Union blockade could be run, but it could not be broken, so the South was never able to re-open the vital trade link by which it might have been able to export its cotton and thereby purchase and import munitions and other sinews of war. For the ordinary Southernereven for a Confederate generalthe economic strangulation of the South did not appear in a strategic light, but simply as a difficult fact of life. Inflation and shortages eventually rendered Confederate money more or less worthless, but in the memory of Confederate General Basil Duke, the money itself became almost irrelevant, having only a symbolic meaning. The South was thrown back effectively on a subsist ance economy, and there is a heroic quality in the ability of the Confederacy to supply its armies at all, even if badly. The fact of the blockade, and the Souths inability to break it by a decisive victory at sea, had a more more immediate military impact, however, than that of the eventual threat of starvation. It forced upon the South a fundamental inequality of objectives on the battlefield. Other things being equal, the Confederacy was doomed to be sooner or later strangled by the blockade. The only way it could escape this fate was by winning decisively on the field of battle. It had either to smash the Union armies so thoroughly that the North lay open to invasion, or at the least deal so crushing a blow that the Norths population lost the will to fight. In fact, thanks to its excellent generals, the Confederacy came close to doing so, but never quite close enough. In contrast, the Union had only to hold on, and avoid the defeat or demoralization that the Confederate generals sought so desperately to inflict. Its ultimate strategic victory was in effect certain, if only it could avoid defeat in the meantime. On occasions it barely did so, but the point remains that the fundamental objectives of the two sides were not equivalent, but rather complementary, and in a way that favored the North. The Confederacy had to win its battles. The Union had only to avoid losing them. Lee could not afford to go on winning and retreating, whereas Grant could afford to go on losing and advancing. We may now turn back to the matter of perception. Confederate generals, as noted earlier, were on the whole superior to their Union counterparts; this is one of the most familiar facts of the war, and has entered deeply into what may be called the legend of the war, particularly on the Southern side. Had Lincoln and Jefferson Davis begun the war with one anothers generals, we may suspect that it would have been ended very much earlier. But there is some evidence that many Southern commanders had a persistant blind spot in understanding that one aspect of industrializationrailroadsthat impinged directly upon their military tasks. Confederate general Joseph E. Johnston, for example, was distrustful if not scornful of the new technology of mechanized rail transport. He eventually gained some awareness of how railroads could be used in the movement of troops and material, but he was slow to do so. This blind spot was not universal, as the Shiloh concentration showed, but it may have been characteristic. The martial culture of the South was broadly backward-looking. To many Southerners, the railroad may have appeared not exactly as a Yankee innovation, but as part of that alien, urban, smokestack culture, foreign to their experience and values. Railroads hardly appeared in the Union soldiers vision either, however; Harvey Reid, who had the advantage of being a headquarters staffer with Shermans army, mentions railroads only in the context of the destruction of railroad facilities at Atlanta. This might well be a consequence simply of the of the fact that the Union forces were on the offensive; in the railroad age, unless enemy railroads were captured intactand the enemy was seldom so carelessthe railheads were left behind as soon as an army began to advance. In general, the industrial inequality of the two sides in the Civil War seems to have been little-recognized by contemporaries, at least in the general and conceptual sense. The importance of railroads was acknowledged, at least in a negative sense; destruction of enemy railroads was always a prime goal of raiders on both sides. But of the broader industrial disparity we find little acknowledgement. From the perspective of both sides, this is perhaps inevitable. Considering the Northern view first, the advantages of their superior capacity was something they probably took for granted. Soldiers do not write home to their wives to delight in the fact that ammunition, food, and shoes are available. So long as they remain available, they are largely taken for granted. More generally, if at the outset of the war many Northerners had the perception that their industrial superiority would assure victory, they were quickly disabused of it by the early and continued successes of Confederate armies. In the case of the South, something of a mirror image applies. If Southerners at the start of the war had held the perception that the Unions superior industrial base ensured its ultimate victory, they would scarcely have succeeded from the Union and marched to war with the confidence that they did. And, again, their victories long gave them reason to think they might prevail. As the effects of the disparity gradually made themselves felt, they appeared in the form of perennial shortages; a generals remark on high prices and the worthlessness of money, a nurses plea for shoes. On the ground, the fact was that Confederate armies fought well, and with determination, almost to the very end. We must come around again, then, to the first of the questions posed early in this discussion. Did the industrial superiority of the North lead to its victory. The consensus of historians is that it did. But as Gabor Boritt trenchantly points out, in much of the recent scholarly study of the Civil War and its outcome, the fact of the war itself seems almost to drop out of the equation. In response, he argues that the outcome was, in fact, ultimately contingent. In spite of all the material advantage accruing to the North, the Confederate armies won many of their battles; had they won a few moreGettysburg comes to mindthe Union war effort might have begun to disintegrate, and the war would then have had to be settled upon terms. A comparison may be made to the First World War; Germany was economically overwhelmed in much the way that the South was, but German offensives still came close to breaking the Allied armies as late as the summer of 1918. Had they done so, then (regardless of the specific terms of settlement), the war would have gone down as a German victory. Where the disparity of industrial power made itself felt, as was suggested earlier, was in the unequal victory conditions forced upon the two warring sides. To bring the war to a satisfactory close, the Confederacy had to win a strategically decisive victory, while the Union had only to avoid a strategically decisive defeat. Particularly in the earlier part of the warbefore the consequences of the industrial factors made themselves directly feltthe difference was critical. Had Jefferson Davis had as much difficulty finding a good general as Abraham Lincoln did, the outcome of the war might have been very different. The South had to win in the field, and it very nearly did. The North had to avoid defeat in the field, and it just managed to do so. That is the ultimate measure of the disparate industrial capacities of the two sides.

Friday, October 25, 2019

The Bipolar Brain and the Creative Mind Essay example -- Biology Essay

The Bipolar Brain and the Creative Mind "Our hospital was famous and had housed many great poets and singers. Did the hospital specialize in poets and singers, or was it that poets and singers specialized in madness? ... What is it about meter and cadence and rhythm that makes their makers mad?" (1) The link between madness and creativity is one that has been hotly debated in both medical and literary circles for a long time. The two most common types of mental illness theorized to be an influence on creative people such as writers, artists, and poets were schizophrenia and bipolar disorder (2). However, various studies comparing the characteristics of schizophrenics, bipolars, and writers have concluded that schizophrenics do not share a common thought process with writers (2). In comparison, a study conducted at the University of Iowa declared that while both bipolar patients and writers tended to "sort in large groups... arbitrarily change starting points, or use vague distantly related concepts as categorizing principles" (p 107), the two differed in their abilities to control their thoughts (2). Where the exactly this line of control is located – or indeed if there is a line at all – is the debate in question. Bipolar disorder, also called manic depression, is a complex and often cruel illness that takes sufferers on a rollercoaster ride of emotional highs and deep depressions. During the mania period, either euphoria or irritability manifest themselves, and sometimes a combination of the two, called "mixed mania"(3). A person in a manic phase can also exhibit symptoms known to physicians as the DIGFAST symptoms: distractibility is heightened; insomnia is present due to increased energy; grandiosity occurs in delus... ..., 1993. 3)Medscape article, facts on bipolar disorder http://www.medscape.com/viewarticle/151096 4)An article on the Pendulum website, about the possible links between bipolar disorder and creative personalities http://www.pendulum.org/articles/creativity_troubled.htm 5)A website to support those with bipolar illness, with a list of famous manic-depressives http://users.frii.com/parrot/dead.html 6)The Serendip webpage, an article entitled "Creativity and Psychopathology" http://serendip.brynmawr.edu/serendipia/Serendipia-Preti.html 7)A website to support those with bipolar disorder, with an essay by a teenage girl about her bipolar illness http://www.pendulum.org/writings/label_maker.htm 8)An article posted from the Science News, about the relationship between creativity and bipolar illness http://users.lycaeum.org/~martins/M2/creativ2.html

Thursday, October 24, 2019

Learning Need Essay

â€Å"A learning needs assessment is a systematic approach to studying the state of knowledge, ability, interest, or attitude of a defined audience or group involving a particular subject† (University of Idaho, 2009, p. 3). There are two goals for a learning needs assessment. The first goal is learn what the target audience already knows, and the second goal is understand what can be done to make teaching the target audience successful (University of Idaho, 2009). On the pulmonary step down unit at Christiana Care Hospital Newark campus a learning needs assessment was conducted on if nurses knew how to perform proper mouth care on ventilator patients. Type of Institution Christiana Care Health System is one of the country’s largest hospitals. This health system is ranked 17th in the nation for hospital admissions (Christiana Care Health System, 2012). Christiana Care Health System has two campuses located in Delaware. The smallest campus that is also the headquarters is located in Wilmington, Delaware, and the largest campus is located in Newark, Delaware. This health system is a teaching, not-for-profit level one trauma center with more than 1,100 patent beds. Christiana Care employs more than 10,000 people, making the hospital the largest private employer in Delaware. Nursing Services Provided In 2010, Christiana Care Health System joined the nation’s elite. The â€Å"health system achieved Magnet recognition for excellence in nursing by the American Nurses Credentialing Center† (Christiana Care Health System, 2012, para 2). The nursing care provided at Christiana Care is among the top 6% in the nation. Nursing care is provided in various settings throughout Christiana Care Health System. Nurses at Christiana Care hold more than 10 different roles in nursing. These roles range from the bedside nurse, to staff development specialist, to chief nursing officer. On the pulmonary step-down unit at Christiana hospital there are more than 70 nurses employed. The nurses provide care to patients with chronic pulmonary illness. The diagnosis range from patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease to patients with Amyotrophic lateral sclerosis and are ventilator dependent. The nurses are responsible for educating the patients as well as the families on the illnes s and on how to care for themselves or their loved ones after discharge from the hospital. Volume of Activity Being among the largest hospitals in the country, Christiana Care Hospital sees a large amount of patients. In 2011, Christiana Care Hospital had 166, 945 emergency room visits with 52, 884 patients being admitted. There were 531, 483 out-patient visits conducted and 279, 740 home health care visits. 6,641 babies were delivered, and 1,200 were in the neonatal intensive care unit. 40,220 surgical procedures were performed, 806 open heart surgeries, and 319, 744 radiology procedures (Christiana Care Health System, 2012). This work as accomplished by 10, 477 employees, 1,447 medical-dental staff, 255 medical-dental residents and fellows and 1,206 volunteers. Levels of Nursing Care Staff Employed There are many levels of nursing employed at Christiana Hospital. Licensed practical nurses whom perform delegated tasks assigned by the registered nurse. Registered nurses whom perform patient care, which include education and collaboration with others of the interdisciplinary health care team. Advances practice nurses who are masters’ prepared nurses who can hold different titles with different job descriptions. These titles include nurse practitioners, clinical nurse specialists, certified nurse midwives, and certified registered nurse anesthetists. These nurses function as expert clinicians, and provide clinical support (Christiana Care Health System, 2012). Staff development specialists assist the nurse manager is maintaining staff competence. Staff education specialists are master’s prepared nurses who help the department of nursing to assess, plan, develop, implement, and evaluate nursing development. Patient care coordinators assist the nurse manager in operatio ns of the unit. Nurse managers are responsible for the daily operation of the unit. They also resolve issues that arise with patients and families, and physicians, and staff. Vice Presidents manage the resources necessary to provide nursing care. Nursing Coordinators provide coverage after business hours, weekends, and holidays. Associate chief nursing officer is accountable for supporting the initiatives and goals of the department of nursing and assumes the role of the chief nursing officer in her absence. Last the chief nursing officer directs the delivery of nursing care, treatment, and services (Christiana Care Health System, 2012). Educational Needs Assessment A questionnaire with three questions was used to conduct this assessment. The questions are 1) how often do you perform mouth care on your vent patients? 2) How often are vent patients teeth to be brushed? 3) How long after you use the chlorhexidine during mouth care must patients remain npo (nothing by mouth)? This questionnaire was randomly handed out to 10 nurses in the pulmonary step down unit, ranging in age, years of nursing experience, and years of experience in the step down unit. All nurses had their bachelor’s degree in nursing, and all nurses worked the day shift when the mouth care is primarily done. One hundred percent of the nurses answered the first and second questions correctly, which were 1) every two hours and 2) every 12 hours. Only 20% of the nurses answered the third question correctly. The correct answer is two hours. Highest Educational Need. From the results of the assessment, the highest priority educational need is to teach the staff the importance o f keeping the vent patients npo two hours after the chlorhexidine is administered. Ventilator associated pneumonia is a leading cause in death of vent dependent patients. Chlorhexidine reduces the incidence of ventilator associated pneumonia only if used properly (Wikipedia, 2012). If food or drinks are used directly after a patient uses chlorhexidine the effects of the mouth wash is washed away. Christiana Care has clinical practice guidelines available for all staff to use on the intranet. There is a guideline on the intranet about mouth care for vent patients, and it discusses the need to have a patient remain npo after chlorhexidine administration. A few ways to reinforce the importance of this are in-services for the staff and visible posters to be hung in the staff break room. Management can include a short in-service on the correct use of cholorhexidine during the monthly staff meetings. Since the unit already has a vent committee that group of nurses can work on a poster board to hang in the staff break room reinforcing what was taught during the staff meetings. Seeing and hearing information repeatedly helps with remembering. Even though this information is readily available on the intranet, staff was not using this resource enough to retain the correct information. By using repetition and seeing the information every day it will help drill the information into the staff. After a few months of the information being repeated during in-services and the poster board hanging up in the break  room, an evaluation can be conducted to see if these methods have worked. Conclusion During the learning needs assessment on a pulmonary step down unit at Christiana Care Hospital it was discovered that nurses were not aware of the correct length of time a patient is to remain npo after chlorhexidine administration. The use of this mouthwash is one important way to prevent a patient from getting ventilator associated pneumonia, which is a leading cause of death for vent dependent patients. Teaching strategies of monthly in-services and a poster board are ways to remind the staff of the importance of using the medication correctly. To evaluate if these strategies worked another questionnaire will be handed out a few months later.

Wednesday, October 23, 2019

Our Family Wedding Essay

â€Å"Our Family Wedding† tells the story of two families from different races in order to prepare the wedding for their daughter and son that makes them come together in this planning process. There were series of friction and collision plots between those two families. The main reason is because the cultural difference between two sides of family. The family of bride (Lucia) is a traditional Mexican family. And, the family of groom (Marcus) is African-American family. Their habits, life styles, life values and the ways of thinking are totally opposite of each other. There were a lot of cultural differences in the movies. Firstly, Lucia’s father thought that the man should propose marriage to the woman’s parents (Lucia’s father mentioned it to Marcus on their way to buy eggs). Marcus thought that modern society would not be necessary to do it. And then Lucia’s father felt out it’s extremely important to propose that was a kind of respect for the woman’s family. That was a cultural conflicts of the modern American culture and traditional Mexican culture. Maybe that was fully integrated into the different ways of thinking between the earlier generation with traditional thinking and American young people . Secondly, those two engaged young people mentioned that they would like to have a simple wedding when two families discussed how to plan their wedding. However, two families all had their own mind for the wedding which caused a controversy between the two sides. The bride’s family wanted to have a traditional Mexican wedding and the groom’s family wanted to have an African descent wedding. In addition, the cost of the wedding was another big issue during their planning process because of the different customs and traditions. Finally, the young couple made a concession for their wedding (our marriage, their wedding). Their parents agreed to share the cost of the wedding. Thirdly, the question of whether a Catholic-style wedding in the church or the father Paes wedding. Marcus would like to adopt a non-traditional style wedding but was refused by Lucia’s mother and grandmother that is religious beliefs conflict. However, Marcus does not religious believers. As their wedding planner, I would like to discuss the wedding detail with two family separately. I will try to talk about the detail of wedding with each family at one time. And them combine their ideas together to reduce their argue. I am also will tell these two families the traditional culture is important but make a wedding that the engaged couple like will be more important. Cross-culture wedding is kind of special for two families. â€Å"Our Marriage, their Wedding† these words is telling me that those young people’s marriage, but their parents’ wedding. In the movie, the two engaged couple’s families were from different races, and they all wanted to have their own traditional wedding to their daughter and son. The parents from bride and groom all have so many ideas for their children’s wedding. Parents didn’t listen what kind of wedding the young couple wanted to have. These two families were trying to make a wedding that families like not this couple. Because two families have different culture and they wanted to use their traditional way of the wedding. In my opinion, the best way to avoid this situation is two family listen to young people’s idea. If the engaged couple like simple, let them make it. And then two family can celebrate their wedding separately. One for bride’s family, and one for groom’s family.